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| employees_stores [2026/01/31 18:25] – [Employees at Hawkwood Station 1854-1858] judith | employees_stores [2026/08/10 21:26] (current) – [Employees at Hawkwood Station 1854-1858] judith |
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| The ledgers follow the social conventions re ethnicity and gender. Neither Indigenous workers nor the wife of an employed couple are named. When a couple was employed, the wage mentioned was for their combined labour. Interestingly, couples had a disadvantage in the labour market as their combined wage tended to be low compared to individual employees. Translated names clearly caused problems especially when it was likely those involved were not literate in English, and TLM-P probably only literate in English and French. If a fellow squatter was mentioned, he was referred to as 'Esq' (esquire).\\ | The ledgers follow the social conventions re ethnicity and gender. Neither Indigenous workers nor the wife of an employed couple are named. When a couple was employed, the wage mentioned was for their combined labour. Interestingly, couples had a disadvantage in the labour market as their combined wage tended to be low compared to individual employees. Translated names clearly caused problems especially when it was likely those involved were not literate in English, and TLM-P probably only literate in English and French. If a fellow squatter was mentioned, he was referred to as 'Esq' (esquire).\\ |
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| The ledgers also showed the dependency of those who were able to select land on or near //Maroon//. Ezra Harvey was one such who appears heavily reliant on //Maroon//'s stores as the following pages show:{{:ezra_harvey_20231019_133928.jpg?350|}} {{:ezra_harvey_ledger_p.jpg?350|}} {{:ezra_harvey_20250422_113029.jpg?300|}}((display, Rathdowney Visitor Information Centre and Historical Museum, April 2025))\\ | The ledgers also showed the dependency of those who were able to select land on or near //Maroon//. Ezra Harvey was one such who appears heavily reliant on //Maroon//'s stores as the following pages show:{{:ezra_harvey_20231019_133928.jpg?300|}} {{:ezra_harvey_ledger_p.jpg?350|}} {{:ezra_harvey_20250422_113029.jpg?300|}}((display, Rathdowney Visitor Information Centre and Historical Museum, April 2025))\\ |
| Ezra married Mary Ann Langdon in England in 1857 on her 21st birthday. They emigrated to Morton Bay,arriving 16 February 1858. Ezra worked on Maroon when it was owned by James Collins. One of their children, Jain Harvey, was reputedly the first white child born on Maroon. In 1870, Eliza was one of the first selectors of blocks carved from //Maroon// with he, Mary Ann and their children living in a slab hut with an earthen floor. Between 1858-78, they had 11 children, three of whom died in childhood. Mary Ann died on 10 February 1884 from heat exhaustion after she and Ezra had ridden from Maroon to Tamrookum Creek to visit her brother george Langdon and his family who were newly arrived emigrants.(( Information from display at The Rathdowney Visitor Information Centre and Historical Museum, April 2025; Harvey Family re-union. From England to Australia (Booklet) 1984, courtesy Ross Drynan.)) | Ezra married Mary Ann Langdon in England in 1857 on her 21st birthday. They emigrated to Morton Bay,arriving 16 February 1858. Ezra worked on //Maroon// when it was owned by James Collins. One of their children, Jain Harvey, was reputedly the first white child born at //Maroon//. In 1870, Ezra was one of the first selectors of blocks carved from //Maroon// where he, Mary Ann and their children lived in a slab hut with an earthen floor. Between 1858-78, they had 11 children, three of whom died in childhood. Mary Ann died on 10 February 1884 from heat exhaustion after she and Ezra had ridden from Maroon to Tamrookum Creek to visit her brother George Langdon and his family who were newly arrived emigrants.((Information from display at The Rathdowney Visitor Information Centre and Historical Museum, April 2025; Harvey Family re-union. From England to Australia (Booklet) 1984, courtesy Ross Drynan.)) |
| ===== Indigenous workers ===== | ===== First Nations workers ===== |
| {{:ml_undated.jpg?300|}} This photo of a group of Aboriginal men (stockmen?) in the Murray-Prior papers (ML PXB661) has no attached information. It is a reminder of the huge gaps in our knowledge about the past, not the least from the Aboriginal viewpoint. The photo, faded and damaged as it is, gives context to TLM-P's criticism of depictions of 'Australians' and other indigenous groups at the [[wp>The_Crystal_Palace|Crystal Palace]] in England in 1882. He thought they were presented as 'miserable looking specimens' and 'very unlike those [Aboriginal people] I have seen'.((TLM-P, Diary, 29 June 1882, ML.)) \\ | The ledger books that have survived from TLM-P's various properties indicate that First Nations people were normally not employed on a regular basis but rather paid on an occasional and casual basis, perhaps fitting in with their traditional obligations as much as TLM-P's needs. TLM-P recalled that at //Hawkwood//, for example, he employed First Nations people as shepherds including as least one women who he called 'Biddy'(p.45). Typically, they are rarely named (and certainly not given their First Nations name) and any payments are very low. //Hawkwood//'s ledger simply refers to 'Black Boys'. In //Maroon//'s ledger for 1867-68, for example, an entry under Tom de M. M-P, simply notes that in May 1860 he paid 'Blackboy' 5 shillings.((MLMSS 3117/box 8)) Similarly there is a reference in 1879 of one of the employed stockman paying 'Hughie Black Boy’ 17 shillings.((MLMSS 3117 Box 10, Item 2, pp.6-7)) Note that these payments were made in cash, the only viable option for an irregularly paid First Nations worker.\\ |
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| The ledger books that have survived from TLM-P's various properties indicate the lack of power and oppression experienced by Indigenous workers like 'Charlie'. It appears that they were not employed on a regular basis but rather paid on an occasional and casual basis, perhaps fitting in with their obligations as much as TLM-P's needs. Typically, Indigenous workers are not named (and certainly not given their Indigenous name) and any payments are very low. //Hawkwood//'s ledger simply refers to 'Black Boys' giving no names. In //Maroon//'s ledger for 1867-68, for example, an entry under Tom de M. M-P, simply notes that in May 1860 he paid 'Blackboy' 5 shillings.((MLMSS 3117/box 8)) Similarly there is a reference in 1879 of one of the employed stockman paying 'Hughie Black Boy’ 17 shillings.((MLMSS 3117 Box 10, Item 2, pp.6-7)) Note that these payments were made in cash, the only option as it is unlikely an irregularly paid Indigenous worker would be able to open a bank account.\\ | In his reminiscences to his daughter Rosa, TLM-P described a number of outstanding First Nations workers, particularly Billy Hay who he employed at Hawkwood. See [[First Nations Australians|First Nations Australians]] |
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| The same pattern is evident when the ledgers list goods sold. Some examples: a page from 1857 listing basic goods sold at //Hawkwood//'s store (clothing and boots etc) lists individuals then simply what was sold to 'Black Boys'((MLMSS 3117/box7x)). Note that calling Indigenous male employees 'boys' persisted well into the late twentieth century. Note too that this page also includes an entry for goods sold to someone just listed as 'Chinaman'. Another example is from //Melcombe// (later called //Maroon//'s) store: white individuals are named (Timothy Daly, James Hooper, John Nalty, Harry McGarvy) then ‘John Black fellow’.((MLMSS 3117/box 8)) Ethnicity was so important that, like class and gender, it had to be made obvious even in a mundane list of goods sold.\\ | The same pattern is evident when the ledgers list goods sold. Some examples: a page from 1857 listing basic goods sold at //Hawkwood//'s store (clothing and boots etc) lists individuals then simply what was sold to 'Black Boys'((MLMSS 3117/box7x)). Note that calling First Nations male employees 'boys' persisted well into the late twentieth century. Note too that this page also includes an entry for goods sold to someone just listed as 'Chinaman'. Another example is from //Melcombe// (later called //Maroon//'s) store: white individuals are named (Timothy Daly, James Hooper, John Nalty, Harry McGarvy) then ‘John Black fellow’.((MLMSS 3117/box 8)) Ethnicity was so important that, like class and gender, it had to be made obvious even in a mundane list of goods sold.\\ |
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| This pattern of collectively referring to 'blacks' was repeated in Rosa Praed's writings. In her //Australian Life: Black and White// (1885) she describes 'the Blacks... clearing the dead gum-trees' and their camp 'the other side of the creek', with old gunyahs, piccaninnies and card games around camp fires. She also recalls the 'the cracking of a black boy's stock whip' as well the sound of cows being brought in for milking and 'sheep's bells are tinkling'. \\ | This pattern of collectively referring to 'blacks' was repeated in Rosa Praed's writings. In her //Australian Life: Black and White// (1885) she describes 'the Blacks... clearing the dead gum-trees' and their camp 'the other side of the creek', with old gunyahs, piccaninnies and card games around camp fires. She also recalls the 'the cracking of a black boy's stock whip' as well the sound of cows being brought in for milking and 'sheep's bells are tinkling'. \\ |
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| For more on TLM-P's Aboriginal workers, see Angela Woollacott, //Settler Society in the Australian Colonies: Self-Government and Imperial Culture//, pp.172-73. ((https://www.google.com.au/books/edition/Settler_Society_in_the_Australian_Coloni/5y6kBgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Settler+Society+in+the+Australian+Colonies:+Self-Government+and+Imperial+Culture&printsec=frontcover))\\ | For more on TLM-P's First Nations workers, see Angela Woollacott, //Settler Society in the Australian Colonies: Self-Government and Imperial Culture//, pp.172-73. ((https://www.google.com.au/books/edition/Settler_Society_in_the_Australian_Coloni/5y6kBgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Settler+Society+in+the+Australian+Colonies:+Self-Government+and+Imperial+Culture&printsec=frontcover))\\ |
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| ==== Chinese/Indian Indentured Labourers === | ==== Chinese/Indian Indentured Labourers === |
| Other employees were listed as 'coolies', now a highly pejorative word. Then it was also pejorative but commonly used by Europeans to indicate Asian indentured labourers:\\ | Other employees were listed as 'coolies', now a highly pejorative word. Then it was also pejorative but commonly used by Europeans to indicate Asian indentured labourers:\\ |
| * **Poki** listed as '(Coolie) Shepherd' and employed on 16 October 1854 at 30/- per week. Poki is an (Hindu) Indian name. His last entry for buying stores was 17 January 1854. He was paid by the overseer Henry Davis. His employment prospects declined so that when he was re-employed in 1856, it was as a shepherd at 25/- a week.((MLMSS 3117/Box 6, item 5 Ledger)) Angela Woollacott incorrectly claims he was listed as 'Poki Coolieman' with the latter word was used as a surname rather than a description.((Angela Woollacott, 'Manly authority, employing non-white labour, and frontier violence 1830s-1860s',//Journal of Australian Colonial History//, 2013, p.39)). Other non-British nationalities had their ethnicity similarly described, and the brackets (which she does not mention) makes it improbable it was used as a surname. | * **Poki** listed as '(Coolie) Shepherd' and employed on 16 October 1854 at 30/- per week. Poki is an (Hindu) Indian name. His last entry for buying stores was 17 January 1854. He was paid by the overseer Henry Davis. His employment prospects declined so that when he was re-employed in 1856, it was as a shepherd at 25/- a week.((MLMSS 3117/Box 6, item 5 Ledger)) Angela Woollacott incorrectly claims he was listed as 'Poki Coolieman' with the latter word was used as a surname rather than a description.((Angela Woollacott, 'Manly authority, employing non-white labour, and frontier violence 1830s-1860s',//Journal of Australian Colonial History//, 2013, p.39)). Other non-British nationalities had their ethnicity similarly described, and the brackets (which she does not mention) makes it improbable it was used as a surname. |
| * **Dhookee/Dho Ree** was listed as 'Dhookee (Coolieman)' and employed as a shepherd at £35 pa from August 1856. If Dhookee is the correct rendition, then he was possibly from Mauritius, as that is where the surname is most common. The Hawkwood ledger entry ((MLMSS3117/box 7X)) ends with a note that Dhookee 'lost 300 sheep going to Cocoa[?] which I did not know for 8 days and only found about 6 of the whole after searching for a fortnight. Dhookee became quite deranged and I had to send him to Gayndah from whence he was forwarded to Sydney.' It is uncertain why he was first sent to [[wp>Gayndah]], but TLM-P had some connection there as his accounts show purchases from John Conolly, storekeeper there in 1855 and also with Walter Postmaster.((Hawkwood station ledger, MLMSS3117/7X0)). It was then 'established practice' to transfer mentally ill people first to jail in Sydney then to the 'lunatic asylum'. Accordingly, Dhookee was sent to Darlinghurst Jail, examined by Dr George West on 18 December 1856 and declared insane, then taken to Tarban Creek Lunatic Asylum (later called Gladesville Hospital). He just missed staying in Queensland as the Woogaroo Lunatic Asylum opened in 1865 (in 1880 its name changed to the Goodna Asylum for the Insane).(([[https://www.health.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0028/444583/qld-mh-history.pdf]]))\\ Helen Patterson, co-author with Maureen Copley of //Gladesville Hospital Cemetery, The Forgotten Cemetery - the Forgotten People// (Ryde District Historical Society, 2023) made the connection between Dhookee and Dho Ree, also known as Rea Dhoo. Dho Ree was admitted to the Asylum in January 1857 and died on 27 June 1858 when he was 50 years old.((The NSW State Archives' Colonial Secretary: Index to Letters Received, 1826-96, the Joan Reese Index)) His 'General Form of Commitment' states that Edward Fielding Palmer JP and others claimed that on 16 October 1856, Dho Ree was at Hawkwood and 'did assault one **Do Ri** with intent to murder him' and that he was a 'dangerous Lunatic and unsafe to be at large'.\\ | * **Dhookee/Dho Ree** was listed as 'Dhookee (Coolieman)' and employed as a shepherd at £35 pa from August 1856. If Dhookee is the correct rendition, then he was possibly from Mauritius, as that is where the surname is most common. The Hawkwood ledger entry ((MLMSS3117/box 7X)) ends with a note that Dhookee 'lost 300 sheep going to Cocoa[?] which I did not know for 8 days and only found about 6 of the whole after searching for a fortnight. Dhookee became quite deranged and I had to send him to Gayndah from whence he was forwarded to Sydney.' It is uncertain why he was first sent to [[wp>Gayndah]], but TLM-P had some connection there as his accounts show purchases from John Conolly, storekeeper there in 1855 and also with Walter Postmaster.((Hawkwood station ledger, MLMSS3117/7X0)). It was then 'established practice' to transfer mentally ill people first to jail in Sydney then to the 'lunatic asylum'. Accordingly, Dhookee was sent to Darlinghurst Jail, examined by Dr George West on 18 December 1856 and declared insane, then taken to Tarban Creek Lunatic Asylum (later called Gladesville Hospital). He just missed staying in Queensland as the Woogaroo Lunatic Asylum opened in 1865 (in 1880 its name changed to the Goodna Asylum for the Insane).(([[https://www.health.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0028/444583/qld-mh-history.pdf]]))\\ Helen Patterson, co-author with Maureen Copley of //Gladesville Hospital Cemetery, The Forgotten Cemetery - the Forgotten People// (Ryde District Historical Society, 2023) made the connection between Dhookee and Dho Ree, also known as Rea Dhoo. Dho Ree was admitted to the Asylum in January 1857 and died on 27 June 1858 when he was 50 years old.((The NSW State Archives' Colonial Secretary: Index to Letters Received, 1826-96, the Joan Reese Index)) His 'General Form of Commitment' states that Edward Fielding Palmer JP and others claimed that on 16 October 1856, Dho Ree was at Hawkwood and 'did assault one **Do Ri** with intent to murder him' and that he was a 'dangerous Lunatic and unsafe to be at large'. One of the many sad aspects to Dhookee/Dho Ree's story is that he was unlikely to have had an interpreter to assist communication - Duncan Richardson notes that in his research c.1840s-80s, he did not come across any mention of interpreters for Chinese people being declared insane, even when they could speak no English.((Duncan Richardson, //Dangerous to Know//, webinar for the Queensland Family History Society, 15 July 2026)) \\ |
| * **Bundoo**;Bundoo is an Indian surname.\\ | * **Bundoo**;Bundoo is an Indian surname.\\ |
| * **Bathon**(?) employed at £35 pa.\\ | * **Bathon**(?) employed at £35 pa.\\ |
| **Maēr**(German)\\ | **Maēr**(German)\\ |
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| ==== Rosewood Station 1843-44 ==== | |
| TLM-P started an account book (ledger) for his first station, //Rosewood//, on 23 June 1843 ((MLMSS3117/box 6/item 4. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). | |
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| ==== Rosewood Station Accounts 1843-44 ==== | ==== Rosewood Station Accounts 1843-44 ==== |
| For context, see entry for Rosewood under [[Gaining Colonial Experience & Early Properties]]\\ | TLM-P started an account book (ledger) for his first station, //Rosewood//, on 23 June 1843 ((MLMSS3117/box 6/item 4. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). For context, see entry for Rosewood under [[Gaining Colonial Experience & Early Properties]]. On his ledger's first page he recorded items he bought at a Brisbane sale on 23 June. These items include necessities such as fustian trousers, blankets, guns and knives, but also indicates that he aspired to gentility with silk handkerchiefs and two tablecloths.\\ |
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| TLM-P started an account book (ledger) for //Rosewood// on 23 June 1843 ((MLMSS3117/box 6/item 4. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). On its first page he recorded items he bought at a Brisbane sale on 23 June. These items include necessities such as fustian trousers, blankets, guns and knives, but also indicates that he aspired to gentility with silk handkerchiefs and two tablecloths.\\ | |
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| One page of his accounts reveals the co-dependence of neighbouring squatters. The 2-page spread lists items borrowed and lent from and to other stations, particularly from a neighbour E.B. Uhr. As well, among his list of expenses for August 1843, TLM-P notes he paid Uhr £20 'for his run [land] at Laidley Creek'. This was Edmund Blucher Uhr who features in David Marr's chilling book, //Killing For Country// (Black Inc., 2023). The co-dependence does not mean lack of conflict. Another entry in the Rosewood accounts is a payment of £26 to settle a boundary dispute with Uhr.\\ | One page of his accounts reveals the co-dependence of neighbouring squatters. The 2-page spread lists items borrowed and lent from and to other stations, particularly from a neighbour E.B. Uhr. As well, among his list of expenses for August 1843, TLM-P notes he paid Uhr £20 'for his run [land] at Laidley Creek'. This was Edmund Blucher Uhr who features in David Marr's chilling book, //Killing For Country// (Black Inc., 2023). The co-dependence does not mean lack of conflict. Another entry in the Rosewood accounts is a payment of £26 to settle a boundary dispute with Uhr.\\ |
| 13 **John Wolmsley[check sp]**\\ | 13 **John Wolmsley[check sp]**\\ |
| 14+ number of shearers (p.40)\\ | 14+ number of shearers (p.40)\\ |
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| ==== Employees at Bromelton Station 1852-1854 ==== | ==== Employees at Bromelton Station 1852-1854 ==== |
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| ==== Employees at Hawkwood Station 1854-1858 ==== | ==== Employees at Hawkwood Station 1854-1858 ==== |
| As usual the ledger also records other transactions, such as buying cattle from James Glennie Esq in 1857. There is also a list of stores purchased in 1855 with a note that the account was settled when Mr Chauvel left Hawkwood.((MLMSS 3117/Box 8)) A.B.J. Chauvel Esq. is also noted in 1854. The Chauvels had a property //Tabulam// on the Clarence River in northern NSW - see [[wp>Tabulam]]. Another member of the family, Charles H. Chauvel lived at Canning Downs South in Queensland from 1883 and by the mid-1890s was a 'well-known as a breeder of pure Shorthorns'.((The Brisbane Courier, 18 May 1896, p.4)) TTLM-P's later property //Maroon// also became known for its shorthorns.\\ | {{:1857_hawkwood_.jpg?300|}} A page from the ledger kept by TLM-P in 1857 showing he had 13,342 sheep. A. Brown is the overseer and it also lists, somewhat indistinctly now, eight employees.((MLMSS 3117/Box 7X)) |
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| | The //Hawkwood// (and TLM-P's other) ledgers usually record stock numbers, payments and receipts and employees' wages as well as store purchases. Occasionally we get a glimpse of more about individual employees. In 1856, for example, TLM-P wrote: 'Munday came up to Hawkwood with a mob of cattle and worked well whilst he was at it and herded at the Cattle Station for a short time, but hearing some thing about his wife he went away and thinking him sufficiently punished I gave his discharge.' As usual the ledger also records transactions with other squatters, such as buying cattle from James Glennie Esq in 1857. There is also a list of stores purchased in 1855 with a note that the account was settled when Mr Chauvel left Hawkwood.((MLMSS 3117/Box 8)) A.B.J. Chauvel Esq. is also noted in 1854. The Chauvels had a property //Tabulam// on the Clarence River in northern NSW - see [[wp>Tabulam]]. Another member of the family, Charles H. Chauvel lived at Canning Downs South in Queensland from 1883 and by the mid-1890s was a 'well-known as a breeder of pure Shorthorns'.((The Brisbane Courier, 18 May 1896, p.4)) TTLM-P's later property //Maroon// also became known for its shorthorns.\\ |
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| Some of the employees listed are: \\ | Some of the employees listed are: \\ |
| 72 **Maēr** (German), shepherd or hutkeeper at £25 or £30 pa.\\ | 72 **Maēr** (German), shepherd or hutkeeper at £25 or £30 pa.\\ |
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| In his private journal for 1858-60((MLMSS 3117/Box 7X)), TLM-P noted another employee:\\ | In his private journal for 1858-60((MLMSS 3117/Box 7X)), TLM-P noted another employee:**Jemima Fraser** hired on 17 September 1858 as a nurse at £25 pa with a months' notice required. A nurse was needed as he and Matilda at that stage had six surviving children the eldest of whom was 10 years old. As well, Matilda would give birth the following month. \\ |
| 1 **Jemima Fraser** hired on 17 September 1858 as a nurse at £25 pa with a months' notice required. A nurse was needed as he and Matilda at that stage had six surviving children the eldest of whom was 10 years old. As well, Matilda would give birth the following month. \\ | |
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| In TLM-P's reminiscences to Rosa, he mentions that he employed three Aboriginal men and one woman (from the coast, not from the local area, one named Billy Hayes and another just referred to as Freddy) at //Hawkwood// as well as Ernest Davies, Sydney Ling a German doctor, and 'one or two others'. He wrote that 'We had a sheep station about 2 miles up 'Oakey Creek' where only a single Chinese shepherd was in charge of a large flock, indicating how difficult life could be the Chinese indentured labourers. //Hawkwood//'s ledger simply refers to 'Black Boys' giving no names.((pp.146-47))\\ | In TLM-P's reminiscences to Rosa, he mentions that he employed three Aboriginal men and one woman (from the coast, not from the local area, one named Billy Hayes and another just referred to as Freddy) at //Hawkwood// as well as Ernest Davies, Sydney Ling a German doctor, and 'one or two others'. He wrote that 'We had a sheep station about 2 miles up 'Oakey Creek' where only a single Chinese shepherd was in charge of a large flock, indicating how difficult life could be the Chinese indentured labourers. //Hawkwood//'s ledger simply refers to 'Black Boys' giving no names.((pp.146-47))\\ |
| 2 **John Harley** In September-October 1864, employed for 4 weeks & 3 days at 20/- per week.\\ | 2 **John Harley** In September-October 1864, employed for 4 weeks & 3 days at 20/- per week.\\ |
| 3 **George Allumett(?)** In September-October 1864, employed for 4 weeks & 3 days at 20/- per week.\\ | 3 **George Allumett(?)** In September-October 1864, employed for 4 weeks & 3 days at 20/- per week.\\ |
| 4 **James Cox & wife** engaged at £70 pa in February 1865; their employment as general servants is again noted in May 1865 and later.\\ | 4 **James Cox & wife** engaged at £70 pa in February 1865; their employment as general servants is again noted in May 1865 and later. In an entry in his diary of 13 November 1865, TLM-P recorded that the Coxs 'have given notice that they wish to leave as soon as we can suit ourselves with the intention of going to England, Just as well, for he is sick a good deal of his time'.\\ |
| 5 **James Hooper** employed to work at the //Head of Logan// station to 11 March 1865, ie. 11 weeks at £1 per week, then employed again in May 1865 as a general servant at £1 per week. In March 1869 he had the same wage with one month’s notice required. He regularly earned extra by breaking in horses for //Maroon// at a rate of £1 per horse and also was paid expenses for carting goods and people to and from Brisbane in a dray. e.g. May, October 1866. In May 1866 there was a cheque written for a 'working bullock' with Hooper's brother.\\ | 5 **James Hooper** employed to work at the //Head of Logan// station to 11 March 1865, ie. 11 weeks at £1 per week, then employed again in May 1865 as a general servant at £1 per week. In March 1869 he had the same wage with one month’s notice required. He regularly earned extra by breaking in horses for //Maroon// at a rate of £1 per horse and also was paid expenses for carting goods and people to and from Brisbane in a dray. e.g. May, October 1866. In May 1866 there was a cheque written for a 'working bullock' with Hooper's brother. James Hooper was a valued employee. As TLM-P recorded in his diary (17th August 1865), James Hooper visited him in Brisbane 'with his cheque for my signature, it appears that Mr Traill had some words with him which ended in his leaving.... I am particularly anxious to retain Hooper who appeared to me to be a very good man.' The end result was that it was Mr Traill who was dismissed. \\ |
| 6 **John (Jack) Nalty** employed for **Head of Logan** station to 3 March 1865, ie 13 weeks at 10/-per month. In April 1865 he was employed as a stockman 15/- per week; in June 1865 he was a general servant at 15/- per week. He is also mentioned in Maroon's ledger in 1870, dropping off stores to Coochin Coochin.\\ | 6 **John (Jack) Nalty** employed for **Head of Logan** station to 3 March 1865, ie 13 weeks at 10/-per month. In April 1865 he was employed as a stockman 15/- per week; in June 1865 he was a general servant at 15/- per week. He is also mentioned in Maroon's ledger in 1870, dropping off stores to Coochin Coochin.\\ |
| 7 **De Burgh Persse** employed 12 March 1865 at salary of £40(?) pa \\ | 7 **De Burgh Persse** employed 12 March 1865 at salary of £40(?) pa \\ |
| 8 **W.H. Traill** was as manager/overseer at £100 pa.\\ | 8 **W.H. Traill** was appointed manager/overseer at £100 pa. He was not a success. TLM-P recorded in his diary (3 July 1865) that he had employed Mr Traill with three month's notice. The following day, Traill left for Maroon. There were soon problems. TLM-P wrote in his diary on 24th July, that he refused Triall's proposal of taking cattle to market 'on spec', and that his son Tom 'seems to think that he could have managed the station as well himself and does not appear to get on well with Mr Traill.' The next month James Hooper (see above, Diary 17 August 1865) gave his notice which resulted in TLM-P reflecting that 'Mr Traill appears to dissatisfy all the people by his manner or in some way or another... Wrote to Tom and Mr Traill spoke about Hooper's return and gave Mr Traill three months notice'. It was a decision that TLM-P did not regret. His diary entry on 2 September indicated that he was at Maroon and some horses brought up from Cleveland had gone missing owing to a broken fence:'in reality this is Mr Traill's fault one day at the fences would have prevented the cattle getting in and the horses out of the paddock.' Stockmen Harry [McGeary?] and Jack [Nalty?] tried to find the horses but without success. TLM-P noted with disapproval that Harry did not rub his horse down before letting me loose, there is no 'regular and steady system the work is all done in a hurry with the idea it is smart. Traill has no steady management, all hands appear to dislike Mr Traill very much and I noticed that his manner was very dictatorial and unpleasant.'\\ |
| 9 **Mr John Haygarth**'s 6/- expenses in Brisbane were paid. Note the others were not given honorifics though fellow squatters were listed as 'Esq'. Around 1866, he had a stores account at //Maroon//.\\ | 9 **Mr John Haygarth**'s 6/- expenses in Brisbane were paid. Note the others were not given honorifics though fellow squatters were listed as 'Esq'. Around 1866, he had a stores account at //Maroon//.\\ |
| 10 **William Bothamley(?)** employed at 8/- week. He is listed under cheques drawn by Tom de M. M-P in January 1868 with wages due of £4.\\ | 10 **William Bothamley(?)** employed at 8/- week. He is listed under cheques drawn by Tom de M. M-P in January 1868 with wages due of £4.\\ |
| 32, 33 **South Sea Islanders** How many is unknown as the entry doesn't provide any names, simply listing 2 cheques totally £3.10 in May 1870.((p.278))\\ | 32, 33 **South Sea Islanders** How many is unknown as the entry doesn't provide any names, simply listing 2 cheques totally £3.10 in May 1870.((p.278))\\ |
| 34 **Morres M-P**, TLM-P's 2nd eldest surviving son, was paid £30 pa by July 1870. Morres was then 17 years old.\\ | 34 **Morres M-P**, TLM-P's 2nd eldest surviving son, was paid £30 pa by July 1870. Morres was then 17 years old.\\ |
| 35 **Tom de M M-P**, TLM-P's eldest son, was employed as //Maroon//'s manager on 1 January 1866 just before his 18th birthday. He was paid an 'allowance' of £50 pa for his first year but his allowance for first 6 months in 1867 was halved to £25 pa. He was paid £80 pa from September 1867.((see also pp.326-27))\\ | 35 **Tom de M M-P**, TLM-P's eldest son, was employed as //Maroon//'s manager on 1 January 1866 just before his 18th birthday. He was paid an 'allowance' of £50 pa for his first year but his allowance for first 6 months in 1867 was halved to £25 pa. He was paid £80 pa from September 1867.((see also pp.326-27)) The prompt for his promotion was the dismissal of manager Mr Traill. TLM-P made a diary entry that Traill 'did not appear to like the idea of leaving Maroon so soon but I think that Tom will be able to manage just as well perhaps better and at all events if he makes a mistake he will gain experience'. It would also be cheaper to employ his son, a consideration as TLM-P considered that 'At present the whole management is too expensive'.(2 September 1867) \\ |
| 36 **Frank Pascoe & H. Felder** employed to erect 387 rods (almost 2km) of fences at //Maroon// in July-November 1870 for £58.1.0\\ | 36 **Frank Pascoe & H. Felder** employed to erect 387 rods (almost 2km) of fences at //Maroon// in July-November 1870 for £58.1.0\\ |
| 37 **Fielder**, described as an ‘Old man’ was paid at 10/- week, one of ‘extra men paid at odd times’.((pp.334-5))\\ | 37 **Fielder**, described as an ‘Old man’ was paid at 10/- week, one of ‘extra men paid at odd times’.((pp.334-5))\\ |