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| gaining_colonial_experience_early_properties [2024/08/14 12:34] – [Sale of Land] judith | gaining_colonial_experience_early_properties [2026/01/25 10:22] (current) – judith |
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| ====== Gaining Colonial Experience ====== | ====== Gaining Colonial Experience ====== |
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| When TLM-P wrote his [[roxburgh_castle_memoir|memoir]] about his voyage to Australia, he commented that he was too ill to work outside, 'almost the first time after sixty years of robust health'. That 60 years of good health, his enjoyment of hard physical activity((a trait he shared with many other successful squatters, see Barry Stone, //The Squatters: The Story of Australia's Pastoral Pioneers//, Allen & Unwin, 2019)) and general sociability, were major influences on his life in Australia. He needed all these attributes because he arrived at a bad time for the colony. The years 1838-40 were ones of severe drought; it contributed to an economic depression which was at its worst during 1842-43. TLM-P's fellow passenger, the Rev. W. Clarke, provides us with a glimpse of the difficulties when he wrote in August 1841:'The whole colony is in a state of distress ... There is scarcely one man in a thousand who can pay his way, even public men [government employees] are unpaid ... We are all nearly ruined together.' The rural districts, as Elena Grainger writes, had 'the reek of boiling-down works pervading the air as graziers melted down the fat from the meat from their sheep rather than give them away for wool or mutton, or, worse, allow the tortured ewes to nudge their still-born lambs until they too died of thirst.' ((Elena Grainger, //The remarkable Reverend Clarke: the life and times of the father of Australian geology//, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1982, pp.84-85)) On the plus side, there was an acute shortage of healthy young men like TLM-P, especially from 1840 after the colonists successfully ended convict transportation to NSW, despite the protests of those squatters wanting cheap labour.\\ | When TLM-P wrote his [[roxburgh_castle_memoir|memoir]] about his voyage to Australia, he commented that he was too ill to work outside, 'almost the first time after sixty years of robust health'. That 60 years of good health, his enjoyment of hard physical activity((a trait he shared with many other successful squatters, see Barry Stone, //The Squatters: The Story of Australia's Pastoral Pioneers//, Allen & Unwin, 2019)) and general sociability, were major influences on his life in Australia. He needed all these attributes because he arrived at a bad time for the colony. The years 1838-40 were ones of severe drought; it contributed to an economic depression which was at its worst during 1842-43. TLM-P's fellow passenger, the Rev. W. Clarke, provides us with a glimpse of the difficulties when he wrote in August 1841:'The whole colony is in a state of distress ... There is scarcely one man in a thousand who can pay his way, even public men [government employees] are unpaid ... We are all nearly ruined together.' The rural districts, as Elena Grainger writes, had 'the reek of boiling-down works pervading the air as graziers melted down the fat from the meat from their sheep rather than give them away for wool or mutton, or, worse, allow the tortured ewes to nudge their still-born lambs until they too died of thirst.' ((Elena Grainger, //The remarkable Reverend Clarke: the life and times of the father of Australian geology//, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1982, pp.84-85)) On the plus side, there was an acute shortage of healthy young men like TLM-P, especially from 1840 after the colonists successfully ended convict transportation to NSW.\\ |
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| The properties mentioned below are not the only ones in which TLM-P had an interest, as he appeared to assist his sons and sons-in-law establish themselves by helping them buy property. In this, he was very like his contemporary in Sydney, his (second) father-in-law Edward Darvall, and presumably many other colonial patriarchs.((J. Godden, //The matriarch of Rockend: Emily Mary Barton, more than Banjo Paterson's grandmother//, Ryde History Series, Ryde District Historical Society, 2021.)) TLM-P's early career in Australia illustrates what his friend the explorer Ludwig Leichhardt deplored: (in others' words) 'the transitory and opportunistic character of the colonial population, (in Leichhardt's words) 'most of whom came to make their fortunes and nothing else', a restless opportunism that did little to benefit colonial society.((G. Ginn, 'Leichhardt’s colonial panorama: social observation in his Australian diaries', Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2):561 - 574. Brisbane))\\ | |
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| ===== Sale of Land ===== | |
| TLM-P was too late for free land grants, but he benefited from the increasing privatisation of the land in what is now Queensland. As one British observer wrote, in the early 1840s Australians turned to the Moreton Bay area, 'from which all are now hoping to extract the golden fleece, that tempted them to these distant shores.'((John Hood, //Australia and the East//, London: John Murray, 1843, p.198.)) The area was opened to free settlement after the Moreton Bay penal settlement closed in 1842, three years after TLM-P arrived in Australia. Initially the government sold yearly depasturing licences which allowed squatters to graze stock on Crown lands beyond the limits of location. After the 1847 Land Act made it possible to buy land,((the Colony of NSW, then including Queensland, was divided into Settled, Intermediate and Unsettled categories, with leases available for 1, 8 and 14 years respectively.[[http://heritagegenealogy.com.au/a-timeline-of-land-ownership/]])) settlers could purchase land freehold.(([[https://www.dnrm.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/389422/landtenureqld.pdf]]: "Freehold land is the most complete form available for land alienation from the State. It is purchased from the State. Ownership by the titleholder is not absolute however, as the State is empowered to withhold certain rights, such as the right to any minerals or petroleum. In addition, use of the land may be controlled by legislation ... Non-freehold land is land under the control of the State of Queensland but which may be subject to a lease, licence or permit, reserved for a community purpose, dedicated as a road or subject to no tenure at all.""))\\ | TLM-P was too late for free land grants, but he benefited from the increasing privatisation of the land in what is now Queensland. As one British observer wrote, in the early 1840s Australians turned to the Moreton Bay area, 'from which all are now hoping to extract the golden fleece, that tempted them to these distant shores.'((John Hood, //Australia and the East//, London: John Murray, 1843, p.198.)) The area was opened to free settlement after the Moreton Bay penal settlement closed in 1842, three years after TLM-P arrived in Australia. Initially the government sold yearly depasturing licences which allowed squatters to graze stock on Crown lands beyond the limits of location. After the 1847 Land Act made it possible to buy land,((the Colony of NSW, then including Queensland, was divided into Settled, Intermediate and Unsettled categories, with leases available for 1, 8 and 14 years respectively.[[http://heritagegenealogy.com.au/a-timeline-of-land-ownership/]])) settlers could purchase land freehold.(([[https://www.dnrm.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/389422/landtenureqld.pdf]]: "Freehold land is the most complete form available for land alienation from the State. It is purchased from the State. Ownership by the titleholder is not absolute however, as the State is empowered to withhold certain rights, such as the right to any minerals or petroleum. In addition, use of the land may be controlled by legislation ... Non-freehold land is land under the control of the State of Queensland but which may be subject to a lease, licence or permit, reserved for a community purpose, dedicated as a road or subject to no tenure at all.""))\\ |
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| In 1860, a year after Queensland became a separate colony, Lands Acts were passed relating to the settlement and alienation of Crown lands. Leases were for 14 years and enthusiastically taken up.((Ross Fitzgerald, //From the Dreaming to 1915: A History of Queensland//, Vol.1, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1982, p.125)) One provision was for 'squatting licences ... a sort of trial of the squatter prior to granting him a lease over his run. If he failed to stock the land for which he had obtained a licence within nine months, he became ineligible to claim a lease and the land was forfeit.' \\ | In 1860, a year after Queensland became a separate colony, four Lands Acts were passed relating to the settlement and alienation of Crown lands. These leases were for 14 years and enthusiastically taken up.((Ross Fitzgerald, //From the Dreaming to 1915: A History of Queensland//, Vol.1, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1982, p.125)) One provision was for 'squatting licences ... a sort of trial of the squatter prior to granting him a lease over his run. If he failed to stock the land for which he had obtained a licence within nine months, he became ineligible to claim a lease and the land was forfeit.' For more on the complexities of colonial land ownership, and the huge benefits reaped by squatters acquiring Crown/indigenous land, see Beverley Kingston, 'The Origins of Queensland's "Comprehensive" Land Policy', //Queensland Heritage//, 1:2, 1965.((accessed online September 2018.)) The properties mentioned below are not the only ones in which TLM-P had an interest, as he appeared to assist his sons and sons-in-law establish themselves by helping them buy property. In this, he was very like his contemporary in Sydney, his (second) father-in-law Edward Darvall, and presumably many other colonial patriarchs.((J. Godden, //The matriarch of Rockend: Emily Mary Barton, more than Banjo Paterson's grandmother//, Ryde History Series, Ryde District Historical Society, 2021.))\\ |
| Queensland Archives outlines important changes to the sale of land in the 1860s-70s:\\ | |
| 1. "The sale of Crown land after auction was allowed under Section 8 of the Alienation of Crown Lands Act 1860. Any lots offered at auction that were not bid for, or where a buyer had paid a deposit and subsequently forfeited it by not continuing with the sale, were made available for sale by private contract. The land was sold at the upset price or in the case where a deposit had been forfeited, at the upset price less the deposit. The land had to be paid for with ready money which included land orders. The Crown land became freehold when the land was sold.' and\\ | |
| 2. "The Crown Lands Alienation Act 1868 restricted sales of Crown land to lots of land located in the country. It also enabled volunteers in the defence force to acquire ten acres of town lands or 50 acres of country lands by way of a free grant..."\\ | |
| 3. "The Crown Lands Alienation Act 1876 included suburban and/or town land as well as country and provided for the value of improvements to be added to the price."\\ | |
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| For more on the complexities of colonial land ownership, and the huge benefits reaped by squatters acquiring Crown/indigenous land, see Beverley Kingston, 'The Origins of Queensland's "Comprehensive" Land Policy', //Queensland Heritage//, 1:2, 1965.((accessed online September 2018.)) \\ | |
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| | TLM-P's early career in Australia illustrates what his friend the explorer Ludwig Leichhardt deplored: (in others' words) 'the transitory and opportunistic character of the colonial population, (in Leichhardt's words) 'most of whom came to make their fortunes and nothing else', a restless opportunism that did little to benefit colonial society.((G. Ginn, 'Leichhardt’s colonial panorama: social observation in his Australian diaries', Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2):561 - 574. Brisbane)) |
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| ==== Dalwood, 1839-c.1840 ==== | ==== Dalwood, 1839-c.1840 ==== |
| The first thing TLM-P needed was to gain colonial experience, a form of internship to learn the ways of the colony. He did so on //Dalwood// station, near Maitland in the [[wp>Hunter_Region|Hunter Valley]], north of Sydney.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) Dalwood House (pictured) {{http://www.dalwood.org.au/assets/images/dalwood-house.jpg?300}} is now a National Trust Property, located within the Wyndham Estate Winery.(({{https://www.dalwood.org.au/dalwood-house.html}}. As at 2016, it was not open to the public.)) In 1839 //Dalwood// was the home of George and Margaret Wyndham and, luckily, some of his family letters have survived.\\ | The first thing TLM-P needed was to gain colonial experience, a form of internship to learn the ways of the colony. He did so on a property called Dalwood, near Maitland in the [[wp>Hunter_Region|Hunter Valley]], north of Sydney.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) Dalwood House (pictured) {{http://www.dalwood.org.au/assets/images/dalwood-house.jpg?300}} is now a National Trust Property, located within the Wyndham Estate Winery.(({{https://www.dalwood.org.au/dalwood-house.html}}. As at 2016, it was not open to the public.)) In 1839 Dalwood was the home of George and Margaret Wyndham and, luckily, some of his family letters have survived.\\ |
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| How did TLM-P end up at //Dalwood//? The chance preservation of a letter in the Wyndham collection tells us. It was due to the strong network of the military men who fought in the long war against Napoleon((Christine Wright, //Wellington's Men in Australia: Peninsula War and the making of Empire, c. 1820-40//, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.)) and a chance encounter. On 22 December 1838, William Wyndham sat down in his English home and wrote to George Wyndham in Australia, telling him that their relative Arthur Heathcote had written:\\ | How did TLM-P end up at Dalwood? The chance preservation of a letter in the Wyndham collection tells us. It was due to the strong network of the military men who fought in the long war against Napoleon((Christine Wright, //Wellington's Men in Australia: Peninsula War and the making of Empire, c. 1820-40//, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.)) and a chance encounter. On 22 December 1838, William Wyndham sat down in his English home and wrote to George Wyndham in Australia, telling him that their relative Arthur Heathcote had written:\\ |
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| 'to say a friend of his (or rather his son) is about to sail in a few days for Sydney to seek his fortune. It is Mr. Prior, a young man Heathcote speaks well of, a son of, I believe, a brother-officer of his and one who fought on the plain of Waterloo. I met the young man at Farnborough Castle Fair with Heathcote.... I do not know for certain what line the young man intends to follow, but have no doubt it is that of farming. If you can show him any kindness in the way of hospitality, etc., I shall be much obliged to you. It is now become so fashionable [to make] a trip to your new country that I think your hospitality will be heavily taxed ere long, but I should fancy that any face fresh from home must be very welcome.'((Charlotte and Phillip Wright (compiled and ed.) //Extracts from Dinton-Dalwood Letters from 1827-1853//, Sydney: authors, 1927, p.148.))\\ | 'to say a friend of his (or rather his son) is about to sail in a few days for Sydney to seek his fortune. It is Mr. Prior, a young man Heathcote speaks well of, a son of, I believe, a brother-officer of his and one who fought on the plain of Waterloo. I met the young man at Farnborough Castle Fair with Heathcote.... I do not know for certain what line the young man intends to follow, but have no doubt it is that of farming. If you can show him any kindness in the way of hospitality, etc., I shall be much obliged to you. It is now become so fashionable [to make] a trip to your new country that I think your hospitality will be heavily taxed ere long, but I should fancy that any face fresh from home must be very welcome.'((Charlotte and Phillip Wright (compiled and ed.) //Extracts from Dinton-Dalwood Letters from 1827-1853//, Sydney: authors, 1927, p.148.))\\ |
| Given TLM-P's determination to assert his social standing as a gentleman, he was lucky to have such an introduction to George Wyndham. TLM-P's friend the explorer Ludwig Leichhardt was not so fortunate when he visited Wyndham's property and was deeply insulted when, 'instead of being invited in to dinner with the superintendent [Mr Samuda] and his guests, Leichhardt was shown to the kitchen to eat his meal alone'. Such actions were of deep 'public and private significance'; Leichhardt's protest was that (as might TLM-P have done) 'It is not my contact with a lower class of society, which embarrasses or offends me, but I feel the disregard by that society, in which my education entitled me, as strongly as any other person'.((G. Ginn, 'Leichhardt’s colonial panorama: social observation in his Australian diaries', Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2):561 - 574. Brisbane))\\ | Given TLM-P's determination to assert his social standing as a gentleman, he was lucky to have such an introduction to George Wyndham. TLM-P's friend the explorer Ludwig Leichhardt was not so fortunate when he visited Wyndham's property and was deeply insulted when, 'instead of being invited in to dinner with the superintendent [Mr Samuda] and his guests, Leichhardt was shown to the kitchen to eat his meal alone'. Such actions were of deep 'public and private significance'; Leichhardt's protest was that (as might TLM-P have done) 'It is not my contact with a lower class of society, which embarrasses or offends me, but I feel the disregard by that society, in which my education entitled me, as strongly as any other person'.((G. Ginn, 'Leichhardt’s colonial panorama: social observation in his Australian diaries', Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2):561 - 574. Brisbane))\\ |
| ==== Belford c.1840 ==== | ==== Belford c.1840 ==== |
| TLM-P then gained more colonial experience at //Belford// Station. It is possible (given his 1882 diary entry below) that one of the owners, Mr Samuda, was a family connection. //Belford// was in the upper Hunter Valley and owned by Robert Dawson((see www.jenwilletts.com/robertdawson2.htm)) and Mr Samuda.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) Its indigenous name was //Goorangoola//.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.17.)) TLM-P impressed his employers and he stayed friends with them.\\ | TLM-P then gained more colonial experience at a property called Belford. It is possible (given his 1882 diary entry below) that one of the owners, Mr Samuda, was a family connection. Belford was in the upper Hunter Valley and owned by Robert Dawson((see www.jenwilletts.com/robertdawson2.htm)) and Mr Samuda.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) Its indigenous name was //Goorangoola//.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.17.)) TLM-P impressed his employers and he stayed friends with them.\\ |
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| In 1880, his second wife Nora wrote to her step-daughter that 'Papa is expecting his old friend & ‘Master’ Mr Dawson up from the Richmond and I am promised a treat, as he is very nice and well-read. He writes a good deal for papers, is sanguine, theoretical, most unbusinesslike – consequently succeeds at nothing. … [after his arrival she added her own impression] he is such an old gentleman … He has told me the best way of doing everything from making butter in hot weather and rearing melons in winter, and we have talked over every book that either has read in the last ten years, discovering wonderful similarity in taste in so doing. Now I have set him down with [Rosa's book //An Australian Heroine//] and he keeps reading bits aloud and saying “Really this is very clever”, “How well this is put”, etc and is quite enthusiastic about it"'.((Nora to Rosa Praed, 17 October 1880, Praed papers, JOL)). In his 1882 diary recording his visit to England, TLM-P mentions visits to a Dawson and a Samuda. In his 1888 diary, TLM-P notes that, among his letters is one from 'Revd. B. Dawson', perhaps of the same family (16 Sept).\\ | In 1880, his second wife Nora wrote to her step-daughter that 'Papa is expecting his old friend & ‘Master’ Mr Dawson up from the Richmond and I am promised a treat, as he is very nice and well-read. He writes a good deal for papers, is sanguine, theoretical, most unbusinesslike – consequently succeeds at nothing. … [after his arrival she added her own impression] he is such an old gentleman … He has told me the best way of doing everything from making butter in hot weather and rearing melons in winter, and we have talked over every book that either has read in the last ten years, discovering wonderful similarity in taste in so doing. Now I have set him down with [Rosa's book //An Australian Heroine//] and he keeps reading bits aloud and saying “Really this is very clever”, “How well this is put”, etc and is quite enthusiastic about it"'.((Nora to Rosa Praed, 17 October 1880, Praed papers, JOL)). In his 1882 diary recording his visit to England, TLM-P mentions visits to a Dawson and a Samuda. In his 1888 diary, TLM-P notes that, among his letters is one from 'Revd. B. Dawson', perhaps of the same family (16 Sept).\\ |
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| In 1882, TLM-P travelled by train and coach to see Mr Samuda at Amersham (in Buckinghamshire, England, in the Chiltern Hills, 43 km northwest of central London). He tried to surprise Mr Samuda by telling the servant that he was 'Mr Simpson', but had his surprise spoiled when she returned to ask 'was I the gentleman they expected, Mr Prior, so had to let her know and spoiled my little surprise. Mrs Samuda came in, still the same little kind and impulsive woman, now 78 but she looked well for her age ... it is over 36 years since we met when I started away [visited?] after my marriage to Matilda. Dear old woman, every now and then she took my hands and shock them saying I am so glad to see you. ... Mr S. ...he too looks much better than I expected .. he is 79 very bald [grey hair in little he had, but lot of dark hair in his beard] ... Went over many of the old stories, of old times gone and told them what I knew of various people. Mr S, broke in his last colt at 72 they have a very nice little house ... even at her age the good housekeeper showing. ... They had a second cousin with them, miss de Montmorency[check original], her grandfather was the Naval man at Greenwich related to my Grandfather. Her Aunt the two who came to us at Gosport the eldest Mrs Bessy ... [Her father is stock broker called] T. Lodge de M.'(19 August) | In 1882, TLM-P travelled by train and coach to see Mr Samuda at Amersham (in Buckinghamshire, England, in the Chiltern Hills, 43 km northwest of central London). He tried to surprise Mr Samuda by telling the servant that he was 'Mr Simpson' but had his surprise spoiled when she returned to ask 'was I the gentleman they expected, Mr Prior, so had to let her know and spoiled my little surprise. Mrs Samuda came in, still the same little kind and impulsive woman, now 78 but she looked well for her age ... it is over 36 years since we met when I started away [visited?] after my marriage to Matilda. Dear old woman, every now and then she took my hands and shock them saying I am so glad to see you. ... Mr S. ...he too looks much better than I expected .. he is 79 very bald [grey hair in little he had, but lot of dark hair in his beard] ... Went over many of the old stories, of old times gone and told them what I knew of various people. Mr S, broke in his last colt at 72 they have a very nice little house ... even at her age the good housekeeper showing. ... They had a second cousin with them, miss de Montmorency[check original], her grandfather was the Naval man at Greenwich related to my Grandfather. Her Aunt the two who came to us at Gosport the eldest Mrs Bessy ... [Her father is stock broker called] T. Lodge de M.'(19 August) |
| ==== Rocky Creek c.1840-43 ==== | ==== Rocky Creek c.1840-43 ==== |
| The next step in gaining colonial experience was learning to manage a property. In 1840 TLM-P was appointed manager of //Rocky Creek// Station in the Northern Tablelands of NSW, south-east of what is now the town of Moree.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.17.)) He was just 21-years old. The station was on Rocky Creek, which flows into the Horton River, which in turn flows into the Gwydir River in the [[wp>Nandewar_Range|Nandewar Ranges]].((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information; location information with thanks to David Godden and Ross Drynan.))\\ | The next step in gaining colonial experience was learning to manage a property. In 1840 TLM-P was appointed manager of Rocky Creek Station in the Northern Tablelands of NSW, south-east of what is now the town of Moree.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.17.)) He was just 21-years old. The station was on Rocky Creek, which flows into the Horton River, which in turn flows into the Gwydir River in the [[wp>Nandewar_Range|Nandewar Ranges]].((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information; location information with thanks to David Godden and Ross Drynan.))\\ |
| {{https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-0crDQ5lNqNg/VRecfAy2nGI/AAAAAAAABoA/8cyBEZ6AI-E/s640/22.Rocky%2BCreek%2BPastoral_small.jpg?300}} A contemporary view of Rocky Street Station by artist Mick Pospischil.\\ | {{https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-0crDQ5lNqNg/VRecfAy2nGI/AAAAAAAABoA/8cyBEZ6AI-E/s640/22.Rocky%2BCreek%2BPastoral_small.jpg?300}} A contemporary view of Rocky Street Station by artist Mick Pospischil.\\ |
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| The combined result was that, almost immediately, TLM-P planned to leave //Rosewood//. When he wrote to the Ludwig Leichhardt in September 1843, he mentioned that he intended 'selling my station and believe I have already got a purchaser'. He had stocked it with sheep and horses.((TLM-P to L. Leichhardt, 27 September 1843, MLMSS683, pp.105-08)) TLM-P still saw opportunity to the north of what was then the colony of NSW. From his time at //Rosewood// onwards, TLM-P lived in what became, from 6 June 1859, the colony of Queensland. It was very much a frontier settlement. Moreton Bay had just ceased to be a penal colony, so had no new convicts, but a significant proportion of the small white population remained 'unfree'. It is estimated that in 1846, 15 percent of the population of County of Stanley (which included the major centres of Brisbane and Ipswich) were convicts.((Ross Fitzgerald, //From the Dreaming to 1915: A History of Queensland//, Vol.1, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1982.)) \\ | The combined result was that, almost immediately, TLM-P planned to leave //Rosewood//. When he wrote to the Ludwig Leichhardt in September 1843, he mentioned that he intended 'selling my station and believe I have already got a purchaser'. He had stocked it with sheep and horses.((TLM-P to L. Leichhardt, 27 September 1843, MLMSS683, pp.105-08)) TLM-P still saw opportunity to the north of what was then the colony of NSW. From his time at //Rosewood// onwards, TLM-P lived in what became, from 6 June 1859, the colony of Queensland. It was very much a frontier settlement. Moreton Bay had just ceased to be a penal colony, so had no new convicts, but a significant proportion of the small white population remained 'unfree'. It is estimated that in 1846, 15 percent of the population of County of Stanley (which included the major centres of Brisbane and Ipswich) were convicts.((Ross Fitzgerald, //From the Dreaming to 1915: A History of Queensland//, Vol.1, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1982.)) \\ |
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| An account book for Rosewood Station for 24 June 1843-1844 survives((MLMSS 3117/Box 6/Item 4. A microfilm copy is in the Fryer Library, University of Queensland, MIC8952. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). For more see [[employees_stores|Employees, Stores]].\\ | An account book for Rosewood Station for 24 June 1843-1844 survives((MLMSS 3117/Box 6/Item 4. A microfilm copy is in the Fryer Library, University of Queensland, MIC8952. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). For more context see [[employees_stores|Employees, Stores]].\\ |
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| | ==== Rosewood Station Accounts 1843-44 ==== |
| | TLM-P started an account book (ledger) for //Rosewood// on 23 June 1843 ((MLMSS3117/box 6/item 4. Though it is catalogued as from 24 June, the first entry is for the 23rd)). On its first page he recorded items he bought at a Brisbane sale on 23 June. These items include necessities such as fustian trousers, blankets, guns and knives, but also indicates that he aspired to gentility with silk handkerchiefs and two tablecloths.\\ |
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| | One page of his accounts reveals the co-dependence of neighbouring squatters. The 2-page spread lists items borrowed and lent from and to other stations, particularly from a neighbour E.B. Uhr. As well, among his list of expenses for August 1843, TLM-P notes he paid Uhr £20 'for his run [land] at Laidley Creek'. This was Edmund Blucher Uhr who features in David Marr's chilling book, //Killing For Country// (Black Inc., 2023). The co-dependence does not mean lack of conflict. Another entry in the Rosewood accounts is a payment of £26 to settle a boundary dispute with Uhr.\\ |
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| | Employees included current and former convicts as well as others:\\ |
| | 1 **Robert Scolis**[?] was an assigned servant of J Bell Esq. but worked for TLM-P from April 1844.((list of cheques)) TLM-P increased his wage to £25 pa for ‘being a most excellent shepherd’. \\ |
| | 2 **John Moore** had a ticket of leave and was employed as a general servant from 21 July 1843. His contract was for 12 months at £23pa. \\ |
| | 3 **Patrick Flannery** was another former convict, 'free by servitude'. He was employed from 1 July 1843 as a shepherd at £26 pa but just for 3 months. \\ |
| | 4 **Thomas Moore** (check p.16)\\ |
| | 5 **Edward Walker** was also 'free by servitude'. On 1 July 1843, TLM-P hired him as a general servant for three months at 10/- per week for 3 months. Walker was then re-hired to shear sheep and kept on for a year less '2 days’. He was paid £43.13.1, but bought goods from TLM-P’s store so received £18.10.6½ as the balance of his wages. TLM-P noted that the “Agreement & wages cancelled by the Court.” \\ |
| | 6 **James Johnson** was another 'free by servitude'. He was employed on 18 August 1843 as a general servant at 10/- per week but discharged on 1 Oct 1843. He had luxurious tastes as the stores he bought from TLM-P included 3 silk handkerchiefs. It is possible he was the same James Johnson who Tom de M. M-P paid by cheque £1 to in May 1868 for shoeing horses on //Maroon//.\\ |
| | 7 **Timothy Shea** employed in February 1844 to take change of sheep at £104 a year. He bought a large number of goods then was paid out 'to settle a dispute' in July 1845. A later entry (pp32-33) has him employed for 14 weeks and 1 day at £2 per week. Shea was an unsatisfactory employee though he was given a number of chances. TLM-P apparently deducted money from Shea's wages for not mixing flocks (£4); allowing rams to be with flock and presumably mucking up the breeding program (£5); and losing a Carbine rifle (£3.10.0). \\ |
| | 8 **John Townsend** was hired on 4 May 1843 to use his own horse to ride to Moreton Bay to look after stock. He was paid £30pa but just for 3 months. He was later employed as a hut keeper until 28 February 1844. The rate of pay is unclear, perhaps £9 per month. When he was on leave in 1844 he apparently decided he needed a new horse, but was convicted 'for horse stealing by Captain Wickham' who was the police magistrate at Moreton Bay. See [[https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/wickham-john-clements-2790|ADB entry]].\\ |
| | 9 **Dennis Kahill** was hired on 23 December 1844 at £20 a year and later paid an extra 10/- for shepherding.\\ |
| | 10,11 **James Stanley and his wife**. It was seen as worth noting that the couple were 'free' emigrants rather than former convicts. They arrived in Sydney possibly on 6 January [the date is hard to decipher] and at //Rosewood// on 1 October 1843. He was hired as a general servant and his wife as a laundress and hut keeper at a combined wage of £20 a year. TLM-P agreed to pay their passage 'if they conduct themselves properly. One half to be deducted after 6 months the reminder at end of 12 months.' With such a low wage, it was difficult to save so in Sept 1844 TLM-P advanced them £7 to travel to Brisbane and for sundry expenses. Possibly this was the same James Stanley who was employed on //Maroon// in April 1865 as a stockman for £1 per week for 4 weeks, then re-engaged\\ |
| | 12 **Cornelius? Hughes** hired as as shepherd, hut keeper and stockman at £10 a year. This amount was doubled to £20 a year due to 'good conduct', an indication of the market rate for a reliable stockman/hut keeper. \\ |
| | 13 **Jeremiah? McCarthy** hired as general servant and possibly shepherd (the word is unclear) on 10 August 1843 at £18 a year. He was discharged in January 1844.\\ |
| | 14 **Florence McCarthy** hired as general servant on 23 October 1842 for 2 years at £20 a yeara. This period was reduced to 1 year then in January 1844 she was discharged.\\ |
| | 15 **John Clarke** in an unknown capacity from 10 December 1844 with wages of £25 a year. [check is this entry for Bromelton? p.31]\\ |
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| TLM-P needed to be reasonably self-sufficient. That included not only medical books but at least one on the law.{{ :scan_20171014.jpg?250|}} The title page of his law book is shown in the next photo.((Provenance: Sarah Godden)) The book is inscribed, 'Thomas Lodge Murray Prior, Logan River Moreton Bay. January 1845'.\\ | TLM-P needed to be reasonably self-sufficient. That included not only medical books but at least one on the law.{{ :scan_20171014.jpg?250|}} The title page of his law book is shown in the next photo.((Provenance: Sarah Godden)) The book is inscribed, 'Thomas Lodge Murray Prior, Logan River Moreton Bay. January 1845'.\\ |
| By 1854, TLM-P decided that he had to look to Brisbane and also further north for opportunities. He sold the lease to //Bromelton// and, as shown, bought considerable land in and around Brisbane((e.g. //New South Wales Government Gazette//, 4 August 1854, p.1679)). Also in 1854, he applied to select 640 acres on the west bank of the [[wp>Albert_River_(South_East_Queensland)|Albert River]].((Helen Gregory, 'Squatters, selectors and - dare I say it - speculators', //Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland//, XI:4, 1983, p.81.)) His most significant acquisition was a property called //Hawkwood// (its indigenous owners called it Naraigin) on the Auburn River, a tributary of the Burnett river (north of what is now the Sunshine Coast).\\ | By 1854, TLM-P decided that he had to look to Brisbane and also further north for opportunities. He sold the lease to //Bromelton// and, as shown, bought considerable land in and around Brisbane((e.g. //New South Wales Government Gazette//, 4 August 1854, p.1679)). Also in 1854, he applied to select 640 acres on the west bank of the [[wp>Albert_River_(South_East_Queensland)|Albert River]].((Helen Gregory, 'Squatters, selectors and - dare I say it - speculators', //Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland//, XI:4, 1983, p.81.)) His most significant acquisition was a property called //Hawkwood// (its indigenous owners called it Naraigin) on the Auburn River, a tributary of the Burnett river (north of what is now the Sunshine Coast).\\ |
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| In a later reminiscence, TLM-P recalled travelling there (or being guided by?) a young indigenous boy of about 13 years old. This unnamed boy told him about conflict in the area.((Andrew Darbyshire, A Fair Slice of St Lucia. Thomas Lodge Murray-Prior, St Lucia History Group research paper no. 8, p.98 citing Rosa Praed papers, Box 3, 8370, packet 3/1/1/.))\\ | TLM-P relied on Indigenous help while assuming he had a right to their land. Later in life, TLM-P's daughter Rosie asked him to provide information about Indigenous Australians. TLM-P wrote that, after buying Hawkwood, he rode out to inspect the area, travelling with a young indigenous boy about 13 years old, 'a nice smart lad, full of fun' who TLM-P called 'Johnny'. The journey included at least one day where they both rode over 35 miles, the last part at night. During the journey, both parties sustaining riding accidents.TLM-P noted that, on the return journey, 'Johnny' rode 'a headstrong station colt' while leading another horse - the horse bolted with him and 'Johnny' was knocked off the horse and 'a good deal hurt'.TLM-P's reaction was to appeal to the Indigenous sense of humour: 'get a laugh out of a black boy & he is all right'.((Rosa Praed papers,MSS 8370/Box 3, packet 3/1/1/.))\\ |
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| The //Hawkwood// venture started ominously. A warning sign was that, since its first settler occupier in 1848, TLM-P was the fourth occupier in six years.((HS Bloxsome, 'The discovery, exploration and early settlement of the Upper Burnett', //Historical Society of Queensland Journal//, vol.III:5, December 1945, p.344.)) The bad luck began when moving his sheep to his new property, TLM-P had to destroy 8,000 of them after they became infected with scab.(({{https://www.farmhealthonline.com/disease-management/sheep-diseases/sheep-scab/}}; //Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) The family initially moved from //Bromelton// to Woogaroo (now Goodna) on the south bank of the Brisbane River, while (as described in Ernest Davies' memoirs above) TLM-P put his stock on a 'narrow neck of land opposite, then called the Pocket, now known as Prior's Pocket'. He and his stockmen overlanded his sheep and cattle to //Hawkwood//, then his family moved there early in 1856.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.23.))\\ | The //Hawkwood// venture started ominously. A warning sign was that, since its first settler occupier in 1848, TLM-P was the fourth occupier in six years.((HS Bloxsome, 'The discovery, exploration and early settlement of the Upper Burnett', //Historical Society of Queensland Journal//, vol.III:5, December 1945, p.344.)) The bad luck began when moving his sheep to his new property, TLM-P had to destroy 8,000 of them after they became infected with scab.(({{https://www.farmhealthonline.com/disease-management/sheep-diseases/sheep-scab/}}; //Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.)) The family initially moved from //Bromelton// to Woogaroo (now Goodna) on the south bank of the Brisbane River, while (as described in Ernest Davies' memoirs above) TLM-P put his stock on a 'narrow neck of land opposite, then called the Pocket, now known as Prior's Pocket'. He and his stockmen overlanded his sheep and cattle to //Hawkwood//, then his family moved there early in 1856.((Patricia Clarke, 'The Murray-Priors at Bromelton 1844-1853' in Patricia Savage (compiled), //They came to Bromelton: a brief outline of the life and times of the early pioneers who came to Bromleton - from the pages of history, personal diaries, old letters and family recollections//, Patricia Savage, 2004, p.23.))\\ |
| For TLM-P and his growing family, living conditions at //Hawkwood// were primitive. Rosa Praed's reminiscences always need to be read with caution, and she left //Hawkwood// when she was 7 years old, but described their home as a hut made of wooden slabs with gaps between them, windows without glass and mostly earthen floors. She recalled that, in this primitive dwelling, TLM-P hung his collection of paintings which were later donated to the [[brisbane_art_gallery|Queensland Art Gallery]].((Kerry Heckenberg, 'A taste for art in colonial Queensland: The Queensland Art Gallery Foundational Bequest of Thomas Lodge Murray-Prior', //Queensland Review//, 25:1, June 2018, pp.119-136; Rosa Praed, //Australian Life, Black and White//, 1885, pp.31-32; Rosa Praed, //My Australian Girlhood//, pp.60-61.)) The four years they stayed at //Hawkwood// were marked by 'great anxiety and hard work'.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.) //Hawkwood//'s 1856-57 ledger shows that builders were employed to improve conditions for the workers - C Daly and A Rucker were employed to put shingles on the kitchen (roof) and to build 3 shepherd huts with 10 x 6 feet rooms with each having a chimney, door and window.((MLMSS3117/ box 7X))\\ | For TLM-P and his growing family, living conditions at //Hawkwood// were primitive. Rosa Praed's reminiscences always need to be read with caution, and she left //Hawkwood// when she was 7 years old, but described their home as a hut made of wooden slabs with gaps between them, windows without glass and mostly earthen floors. She recalled that, in this primitive dwelling, TLM-P hung his collection of paintings which were later donated to the [[brisbane_art_gallery|Queensland Art Gallery]].((Kerry Heckenberg, 'A taste for art in colonial Queensland: The Queensland Art Gallery Foundational Bequest of Thomas Lodge Murray-Prior', //Queensland Review//, 25:1, June 2018, pp.119-136; Rosa Praed, //Australian Life, Black and White//, 1885, pp.31-32; Rosa Praed, //My Australian Girlhood//, pp.60-61.)) The four years they stayed at //Hawkwood// were marked by 'great anxiety and hard work'.((//Australia's Representative Men//, ed. T.W.H. Leavitt, Improved Edition, Melbourne: Wells and Leavitt, c.1889, entry for T.L. Murray-Prior. The book used is the one TLM-P owned, signed by him and dated 14th June 1889. It is likely that TLM-P provided the information.) //Hawkwood//'s 1856-57 ledger shows that builders were employed to improve conditions for the workers - C Daly and A Rucker were employed to put shingles on the kitchen (roof) and to build 3 shepherd huts with 10 x 6 feet rooms with each having a chimney, door and window.((MLMSS3117/ box 7X))\\ |
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| //Hawkwood// was relatively isolated and the 1850s was a time of bitter war between the invading European settlers and the Aboriginal people who had lived there for some 50,000 years. A flashpoint occurred in 1857, in what is now known as the [[wp>Hornet_Bank_massacre|Hornet Bank massacre]]. The definitive research into this massacre is a thesis and subsequent book by Gordon Reid.((The thesis is available at {{https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/110512}}; the book is Gordon Reid, //A Nest of Hornets: The Massacre of the Fraser Family at Hornet Bank Station, Central Queensland, 1857, and Related Events//, Oxford University Press, 1982. Among the numerous other studies of this massacre, see A. Laurie, 'Hornet Bank Massacre October 27, 1857', //Royal Historical Society of Queensland Journal//, 5:5, 1957; Zoe Smith, '"Unspeakable atrocities': The 1857 Hornet Bank massacre, interracial rape and white femininity on the Australian colonial frontier', //Lilith: A Feminist History Journal//, 29, 2023, pp.117-37.)) A succinct summary is at [[https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=622|Colonial massacres - Hornet Bank aftermath]]. Eleven members of the Fraser family and staff who lived on //Hornet Bank// station, about 200k by road from //Hawkwood//, were murdered. The widowed Martha Fraser and two of her daughters were also raped. The murders were by Yiman (variously Jiman or Iman) language group as well as some men who had belonged to the notorious [[wp>Australian_native_police|Native Police]]. The massacre was reputedly in retaliation not just for the seizure of Aboriginal land, but also for the rape of Yiman women by the young men of the Fraser family. Ironically, it was Martha Fraser who had tried to stop the rapes, pleading with her sons and asking the Native Police to stop them as 'she "expected harm would come" of their repeated acts of "forcibly taking the young maidens".'((Zoe Smith, '"Unspeakable atrocities': The 1857 Hornet Bank massacre, interracial rape and white femininity on the Australian colonial frontier', //Lilith: A Feminist History Journal//, 29, 2023, p.120)) More information about this massacre is in the family section of this website. A significant source about the massacre was TLM-P's own detailing of it - an unusual event that came about because his daughter Rosa Praed asked him about it so that she could use the information in one of her novels (she used in her //Australian Life: Black and White//). TLM-P dictated his recollections to his second wife Nora who wrote it down for Rosa. See his Memoirs((Rosa Praed papers, Oxley Library OM64-01, item 3.1.1.))\\ | //Hawkwood// was relatively isolated and the 1850s was a time of bitter war between the Europeans and the Aboriginal people who had lived there for some 50,000 years. A flashpoint occurred in 1857, in what is now known as the [[wp>Hornet_Bank_massacre|Hornet Bank massacre]]. The definitive research into this massacre is a thesis and subsequent book by Gordon Reid.((The thesis is available at {{https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/110512}}; the book is Gordon Reid, //A Nest of Hornets: The Massacre of the Fraser Family at Hornet Bank Station, Central Queensland, 1857, and Related Events//, Oxford University Press, 1982. Reid has also published an article about the massacre at [[https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/data/UQ_205360/s00855804_1980_81_11_2_62.pdf?Expires=1753767228&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJKNBJ4MJBJNC6NLQ&Signature=I76rkIncQBll3H5fiVnRM4fFWuyqFXcEv61KNjYKNpaZlegCAyy8T-yP~rUTrUZBPSkH3OPI4Rrtq-GDYtDSnaOVT94qnq4cjtpgWglREzPSCGWxbDRjW5iAypkL2FJs7-B1MfpkQCDpbVNo2qZYsjasRwJ1VyGgmkDtLN2n-JU~YTHrJbUfbX9b4-SCQ7UskkrBBTVFjWKgrPefnTF3wjPRk9TlC365VZwC1wtq34yTPls-WnUMRhWHLzV2KpnO5TrhhVwghSlx7l-lDDg~OCONG0pVwegn2p7taUtIRlnIJLnIaWFHyxBV-oD8O2BIvpOi~pUTix281NT3NEIvSw|From Hornet Bank to Cullin-La-Ringo]]on Among the numerous other studies of this massacre, see A. Laurie, 'Hornet Bank Massacre October 27, 1857', //Royal Historical Society of Queensland Journal//, 5:5, 1957; Zoe Smith, '"Unspeakable atrocities': The 1857 Hornet Bank massacre, interracial rape and white femininity on the Australian colonial frontier', //Lilith: A Feminist History Journal//, 29, 2023, pp.117-37.)) A succinct summary is at [[https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=622|Colonial massacres - Hornet Bank aftermath]]. Eleven members of the Fraser family and staff who lived on //Hornet Bank// station, about 200k by road from //Hawkwood//, were murdered. Mrs Fraser and two of her daughters were also raped. The murders were by Yiman (variously Jiman or Iman) language group as well as some men who had belonged to the notorious [[wp>Australian_native_police|Native Police]]. The massacre was reputedly in retaliation not just for the seizure of Aboriginal land, but also for the rape of Yiman women by the young men of the Fraser family - which took place despite the pleas, and written lobbying to authorities, of their widowed mother. More information about this massacre is in the family section of this website. A significant source about the massacre was TLM-P's own detailing of it - an unusual event that came about because his daughter Rosa Praed asked him about it so that she could use the information in one of her novels (she used in her //Australian Life: Black and White//). TLM-P dictated his recollections to his second wife Nora who wrote it down for Rosa. See his Memoirs((Rosa Praed papers, Oxley Library OM64-01, item 3.1.1.))\\ |
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| TLM-P sold //Hawkwood// in the year after the Hornet Bank massacre. The property had not been a success. It appears the final straw was another outbreak of scab among his sheep. The family was apparently popular with his neighbours as they are said to have gifted him some 900 sheep to help replenish his flock.((Reid, A Nest of Hornets, Masters thesis, pp.214-15. It is possible that this is a confusion with the initial scab outbreak, or vice versa - or that scab was endemic.)) The station ledger includes a page listing 10 'working bullocks' and 39 horses in addition to 10 horses which were sold with the property. For TLM-P's next venture, he tried to leave behind the problems of livestock.\\ | TLM-P sold //Hawkwood// in the year after the Hornet Bank massacre. The property had not been a financial or any other success. It appears the final straw was another outbreak of scab among his sheep. The family was apparently popular with his neighbours as they are said to have gifted him some 900 sheep to help replenish his flock.((Reid, A Nest of Hornets, Masters thesis, pp.214-15. It is possible that this is a confusion with the initial scab outbreak, or vice versa - or that scab was endemic.)) The station ledger includes a page listing 10 'working bullocks' and 39 horses in addition to 10 horses which were sold with the property. For TLM-P's next venture, he tried to leave behind the problems of livestock.\\ |
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| TLM-P's ledger book from his time at //Hawkwood// (1854-58) is at the Mitchell Library. See [[employees_stores|Employees, Stores]]((MLMSS 3117/box 7X)). | TLM-P's ledger book from his time at //Hawkwood// (1854-58) is at the Mitchell Library. See [[employees_stores|Employees, Stores]]((MLMSS 3117/box 7X)). |